"YOU SAVED MY LIFE"
University of Michigan Law School
Law Quad Notes, Spring 2001
PLEASE NOTE THAT JARED GENSER REPRESENTED
JAMES MAWDSLEY PRIOR TO THE FORMATION OF FREEDOM NOW

Jared Genser recalls his involvement in the early morning celebration
as being like "an out-of-body experience." It was October
21, 2000, about 5 a.m., and he was on the list that allowed him to
pass quickly through the special heavy security that cordoned this
corner of London's sprawling Heathrow Airport.
Only hours before he had been listening
to law professors in Hutchins Hall. Now he was part of the select
group with security clearance to be the first to greet human rights
activist James Mawdsley after his release from imprisonment in Burma.
Waiting in the VIP lounge with Genser were representatives of the
Jubilee Campaign, an international human rights organization he had
worked with to free Mawdsley, members of Mawdsley's family, and representatives
from the British Foreign Office.
For Genser, a third-year law student who
grew up in the Washington, D.C., area, this trip came as the whirlwind
climax to what had been his stubborn, optimistic effort on behalf
of a man he might never meet unless Burma's military rulers could
be convinced to free him. Mawdsley, a devout Roman Catholic and equally
devout opponent of the Burmese government's treatment of its ethnic
minorities, had been sentenced to 17 years in solitary confinement
for advocating democracy and distributing leaflets in that south Asian
country.
The military leaders of Burma, which they
call Myannmar, had arrested Mawdsley twice before: In 1998 they arrested
him and tossed him out of the country. He re-entered later that year
without a passport, was arrested, convicted, and sentenced to five
years solitary confinement; he was deported after 99 days.
In August 1999, he entered the country
again, legally and openly despite later Burmese claims to the contrary,
and began distributing leaflets. He quickly was arrested and said
he was "absolutely delighted" when Burmese authorities made
him a cause celebre by sentencing him to 17 years imprisonment. During
the 60 weeks that he spent in solitary confinement, he was beaten,
denied pens, writing paper or a radio, given food which embassy staff
brought only after it began to rot, and subjected to 24-hour-a-day
fluorescent lighting. The round-the-clock lighting damaged his eyes
and made it impossible for him to read.
"I paced instead," he told a
reporter. "I walked 15 miles a day around the inside of my cell
and there was always plenty to think about - democracy, the other
prisoners, the next protest." He maintained a regimen of 2000
physical exercises a day. "I'm probably in better condition now
than I've ever been," he quipped when he landed in England. "No
fags or beer, and all that fresh mountain air."
Mawdsley was just a name in news
reports to Genser when he headed for London last spring to do an externship
at the AIRE Centre, a human rights organization whose director, Nuala
Mole, is a frequent speaker at the Law School. True, Genser was no
stranger to human rights work:
- He had received Amnesty International's
Honored Activist Award for his pivotal role in organizing the
50-group, 5,000-person protest of Chinese president Jiang Zemin's
visit to Harvard University in 1997.
- In spring 1998, he brought Chinese dissident
Wei Jingsheng to speak at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government
in response to Jiang's speech.
- A short time later, at the request of the
Dalai Lama, he and other organizers of the protest met with the
exiled Tibetan leader.
- After his first year at the Law School, he
worked for a law firm in Washington, D.C., where he researched
the successful asylum claim of a Rwandan woman and helped to draft
a brief to the UN Commission on Human Rights' Working Group on
Arbitrary Detention on behalf of 26 Sudanese who were put on trial
and threatened with crucifixion after a bombing in Khartoum. Although
five of the Sudanese were beaten to death while in captivity,
Genser's work contributed to the release of the 21 survivors.
- These experiences and his work on Mawdsley's
case led him to file his successful application late in 2000 for
a Law School Bates Fellowship to continue such work.
At the AIRE Centre in
March of 2000 he spotted an article in the Evening Standard about
Mawdsley, a British citizen. "After seeing the article, I asked
my boss, a prominent human rights lawyer named Nuala Mole, if I could
contact his parents to see if a petition had been submitted to the
United Nations on his behalf," he explained in his Bates Fellowship
application. "Not surprisingly, I had an idea for taking his
case to the UN Commission on Human Rights' Working Group on Arbitrary
Detention because of my involvement in the Father Hillary Boma Awul
case [in Sudan]. Having seen this process work before, my hope was
to duplicate the results for James Mawdsley."
At Mole's suggestion,
and because the UN does not require that you be a lawyer to
represent someone, Genser took the case with him when he returned
to the United States in the summer. Once back in the United States,
"I thought it would be helpful to get the support of many senators
and members of Congress. This would serve two purposes: 1) spur on
the U.S. State Department to get more involved in the case, and 2)
light a fire under the British Foreign Office." He peppered congressional
staffers with telephone calls, and eventually convinced five senators
and 18 representatives to sign the letter. "Meanwhile, throughout
August, I had been regularly lobbying Markus Schmidt, the secretary
to the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention. . . . The Burmese were
given until August 6 (with an extension) to respond to the petition.
They never replied."
Schmidt called Genser late in September
to report that the Working Group had ruled that Mawdsley "was
being arbitrarily detained under international law on all the counts
I had alleged in the petition."
"The allegations, unrebutted, demonstrate
the violation of all norms of fair play and justice," the Working
Group said. "Mr. Mawdlsey was not informed of the reasons for
his arrest; he was detained incommunicado without legal advice or
representation; his trial is a mockery of all legal principles applicable
in jurisdictions where the rule of law prevails."
Also, the Working Group added, "when
he was sentenced for 12 years in relation to his activities in August
1999, his earlier sentence for previous activities in 1998 was revised
and he is now to serve a sentence of 17 years. The five years sentence
now added is for an offence in which the sentence had earlier been
commuted and Mr. Mawdsley been deported. This mode of sentencing is
also contrary to all considerations of due process."
As is usual in such cases, Burmese authorities
were given an advance look: they received the decision two weeks before
it would be made public, on October 10, so they could respond outside
of the public arena. They did not respond, but the day after they
received the decision, Mawdsley's guards beat him with truncheons
and broke his nose.
"Once October 10 came along, I received
the text of the judgment, the British demanded James' deportation,
the United States did two days later, and Britain cabled about 40
of its ambassadors around the world to request their host governments
make a similar demand," according to Genser. "I received
an e-mail from the U.S. State Department on the morning of October
16 that James would be released and an hour later a telephone call
from the Jubilee Campaign confirming this information. I then bought
a ticket to London and quickly got on a plane."
-So Genser was among those well-wishers
who assembled to greet Mawdsley when he came home at 5:08 that October
morning. Looking weary after 416 days in solitary confinement and
his long trip home, Mawdsley stepped off the plane still wearing the
flip-flop sandals he had worn in prison, trousers supplied by the
British ambassador to Burma, and a shirt provided by his mother.
Genser and Mawdsley were about to meet
for the first time. "He came off the plane with his mother,"
Genser recalled. "It brought tears to my eyes, it was very emotional,
completely surreal.
"James embraced me, and said, 'You
saved my life.' "
"In reflecting over the past few weeks
about James' release, it continues to feel like an out-of-body experience,"
Genser says.
"I cannot believe that international
pressure and the decision of the UN provided the British, American,
and other governments with the leverage they needed to demand James
Mawdsley's release, let alone that the Burmese government listened.
While I have had a few moments to celebrate our collective victory,
the object of James' protest remains intact - and that is where I
wish to focus my next campaign."